Thursday, April 24, 2008

Letter Of Disconnection Ofinternet

"ISRAEL - History of a State. From dream to reality (1881 -2007)"

's Regional Institute for Jewish Culture of the Friuli Venezia Giulia
el' Association of Israel-Italy Trieste

with the Jewish Museum "Carlo e Vera Wagner" in Trieste
under the auspices of the Jewish Community

of Trieste on the occasion of 60th anniversary of the founding of the State of Israel, calling the meeting to be held


Tuesday, May 20, 2008, at 18
at the Conference Hall of the Jewish Museum "Carlo e Vera Wagner" gc
7 Via del Monte (TS) in which talk


Dr. Claudio Vercelli, a researcher in contemporary history at the Institute of Historical Studies Gaetano Salvemini di Torino

on his book:

ISRAEL
History of a State
From dream to reality (1881-2007)


His presence will be particularly welcome.

Claudio Vercelli is a researcher in contemporary history at the Institute of Historical Studies Gaetano Salvemini of Turin, where he coordinates the project uses of history, uses of memory. It 'also the editor of Shalom. Monthly Jewish information and culture. For many years, carries out studies, research and teaching on the Middle East and the State of Israel. Author of numerous essays, which appeared in publications and journals, focusing in particular its focus on the history of Jews in the contemporary age. On the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has recently published a book on Israel and Palestine: one land for two (Turin, 2005) and The Israeli-Palestinian conflict between past and present (Vercelli, 2006). For the types of Giuntina Publishing has published, as well as the book of this debate, too: Many Holocaust. The deportation and internment in the Nazi camps (Giuntina, Firenze, 2005)

Sunday, March 30, 2008

Pokemon Deluge Account Hack

CAPITALISM's days

capitalism's days are numbered. With the advent of new "economies Jerk" emerging countries (eg. China, India), capital of the industrialized nations are to these countries by channeling a number of abnormal investment in the name of profit. This ends to open even more the gap of inequality between social classes, rich and poor social classes, sweeping in fact the middle class or what remains of it.
In the name of this savage capitalism we are witnessing, as spectators, to a further enrichment of the ruling classes and industry, more and more pronounced.
For fifteen years now, a large number of transnational companies closed (or the more benign cases, lower) plants that are found in Western countries, for transfer (in cruder language) in these countries in the expansion phase. A classic example is when we consumers buy products manufactured in these countries, thus increasing unemployment in the West.
In theory you should create development in these countries, which should improve the standard of living of the people, but unfortunately it is not.
The question that arises is: how long will all this? If populations reach a maximum of 20 years, to equate to our consumption habits (having a GDP, unemployment and CPI as our society), they will also be full? What happens next? Who will allocate new products, or there will be un bacino di utenze atto a ricevere o consumare questi prodotti?
Dovremmo cambiare sistema economico, senza ombra di dubbio. Già lo prevedeva Marx, nei suoi scritti.
I dati della povertà in aumento sono molto preoccupanti, soprattutto in quelle nazioni pioniere del capitalismo. Per la disoccupazione altrettanto si è in crisi, per non parlare dell’incremento dei lavori atipici o a tempo determinato.
Ormai siamo diventati pedine di questo sistema-scacchiere e ci daranno scacco matto!
Il problema cruciale è: Quale sistema adottare in alternativa al capitalismo?, quali saranno le regole di funzionamento di questo nuovo sistema?.
Come ha scritto lo storico Hobsbawn in un giornale recentemente: “I paesi industrialized nations are seen to deal with these emerging markets on an equal footing. So the new balance will cover the relations between the old and emerging powers. " Finally I think I like
Hobsbawm, which we shall return to the Enlightenment, start believing in human progress, reason, transmission of power and collective action. Salvatore Bruno Battaglia

Font Baseball-softball Jersey

April 13: Why I abstain

Anyone who knows me knows how much contempt for liberal democracy, democracy or bourgeois class, and though I've never been abstention on principle, you can even vote for reasons very instrumental. In the past I have sometimes done, even with the spirit of irony di una nota canzone di Giorgio Gaber sulla democrazia, ma il 13 e il 14 aprile prossimo non voterò neanche scheda bianca e invito tutti a fare altrettanto e in maniera particolare i lettori della nostra rivista “Crisi e conflitti”.
Una premessa generale: c’è un solo voto inutile o disperso, come disse Vittorio Foa nel 1976, quello dato contro i propri interessi e le proprie idee e siccome credo che nessun partito in Italia oggi sia di sinistra (né antagonista né riformista), votare per i partiti che prendono per i fondelli i lavoratori mi pare assurdo e masochista: non voto per farmi castrare. Si dirà che Foa oggi vota per il PD, ma io parlo del Foa del 1976, oggi Vittorio Foa parla come un vecchio e onesto liberale century, in '76 was my teacher and now it no longer is. That is all. Obviously, my contempt
, total, to the parties that say they are heirs to a tradition of reform must be documented.
A) The Left Rainbow
Bertinotti is its leader, speaks with R limp, hanging door glasses and Marinella tie, a "parvenu" even outwardly, theorizes that being in Parliament, "the Church of democracy" (I've heard myself on TV): This assertion that knows much more than "clerical left" than the left channel blocker. Clearly written entire libraries on the crisis of representative democracy in the last 35 years are not available, it is unknown how the fact that the institutions are men and the men in question (our members) are replete with well documented analysis that testify to their privileges and their immorality, ignorance coupled with an ocean from country's history (see the famous interviews of hyenas on the "culture" of our legislators).
reasoning more politically Mr. Bertinotti was a supporter of the first Prodi government, who left because they had absolutely nothing, and later, in 2006, the next opponent's back to the government and continued to count for nothing, but this time the Government has dropped Mastella. Not to go to those who ask tutto e subito hanno accettato il principio del niente mai e del calarsi le brache sempre. Così nel 2006 hanno accettato un regalo di 9 miliardi di euro ai padroni senza che gli operai ottenessero nulla, hanno combattuto contro lo scalone pensionistico di Berlusconi (60 anni per pensionarsi) ed hanno ottenuto che, sia pure gradualmente, lo scalone venisse elevato a 61 anni: un risultato trionfale. Che io possa prendere in considerazione l’idea di votare per questa gente anche per i più strumentali motivi, mi pare fuori dalla realtà. Bertinotti, dunque, vada con il suo look (occhialini, R moscia e cravatte di Marinella) nei salotti di Montezemolo dove non c’è dubbio che verrebbe bene accolto
B) Il Partito Democratico
Diceva De Gasperi che la DC era un partito di centro che guardava a sinistra, il PD è senza dubbio un partito di centro , ma guarda a destra. La campagna di Veltroni è un modello di rincorsa verso l’elettorato di destra quello di Calderoli e Storace. La Repubblica del 27 febbraio 2008 (pag. 7) pubblica una dichiarazione del suo candidato (è noto che quel giornale sostiene Veltroni) in base alla quale se la castrazione chimica fosse scientificamente valida per combattere la pedofilia sarebbe accettabile; accettabile da Veltroni non da Casini che di lì a poco esprimerà il suo scandalo per un Veltroni che insegue Calderoli, paladino della castrazione, siamo evidentemente davanti ad un nuovo tipo di riformismo, il riformismo “castrante”. Questo signore ignora evidentemente che tutti i sistemi giudiziari anche i più efficienti hanno un tasso non indifferente di errori, ed è questo l’argomento fondamentale contro le pene mutilanti e la pena di morte. A tal proposito il noto giallista inglese Yollop durante la campagna che portò, circa trent’anni or sono, all’abolizione della pena di morte in Inghilterra, colpì l’opinione pubblica del suo paese dimostrando che in cinque casi dei quali nessuno dubitava , la pena di morte era stata applicata ad innocenti; si noti che a quell’epoca la pena di morte era applicata con il contagocce per cui cinque casi di innocenti sono tantissimi. Che accadrà se la castrazione verrà applicata ad un innocente? Gli trapianteremo le “guarnizioni” togliendole ad un cane? Non mi sembra giusto, neanche per il cane. Questo Paese ha avuto tra i suoi vanti l’illuminismo giuridico: uno Stato italiano preunitario ha abolito la pena di morte nel 1783 (Gran Ducato di Toscana) l’Italia unita l’ha abolita nel 1889: Veltroni con queste proposte non si mette sotto i piedi solo la storia del movimento operaio ma anche (qui il ma anche è d’obbligo) quella migliore della nostra borghesia.
Quando insegui Storace questo ti succede.
Nel campo economico Veltroni propone di lottare contro le disuguaglianze riducendo tutte le aliquote Irpef di un punto l’anno per tre anni. Facciamo un po’ di conti: un lavoratore con 20 mila € per year gross income, will increase after three years of 3% to € 600.00, a man who earns € 150 000 will also increase by 3% to € 4,500.00, inequalities in actually increased. Should operate to reduce tax relief that is inversely proportional to income and giving more to those who have less, but this would be an unbearable form of communism "to Veltroni, terrified I will not say to look like Lenin but vaguely resembles Roosevelt or Keynes. They like to be called reformists for reasons that escape me sincerely.

The truth is very simple today, in Italy, there is no left-wing party, also cautiously reformist, vote for them just about to get caught up for a ride, of course, the turnout does not solve the problem, but raises the minimum prerequisite for solving it and that the escalation of the crisis of consent to a representative democracy that is no longer any ( if it's strong interests passed to national interests) to move forward we must clear up corpses and democracy and that these parties seem to me precisely of the corpses in an advanced state of decomposition. Carlo Antonio

Friday, March 28, 2008

How I Make My Voice Sweet

the '

'68
Many things are said, rather, are wasted on the '68. Of course we had the Workers' Statute and the law on divorce, as well as the Act on Health. Without
overtake a positive opinion on this period, which influenced the workers' struggles is certainly true, that it was the particular conditions of capitalist development from the Second World War, it is true. The opposition between those who force the proceedings on the first or second element is a matter still under discussion. Not so much for taking the historical period itself, even if it has revived the current election arguments of Berlusconi, but is now subject of historians. Instead interested in the implications at the organizational level workers are related to the current situation, especially if we consider the movement that animates many non-profit organizations that put the organization at the center of the workers in the party.
The fact that the Statute does not have freed the workers from exploitation, and especially the lower strata who were not working in state-owned factories have paid the price of the toughest economic boom, is also a truth. In fact, that the latter represented the ultimate act of destruction of capital in the economy of subsistence agriculture, which were, uprooted from their countries and their families to agglomerate in major industrial cities of the world, to make them the forerunners Law 30 of the Treu package, temporary agency and political repression in the factories, etc. etc.., exempt us from making an apology and a finding of a '68 all workers.
addition to all the rights achieved in line with the development of a democratic capitalist society, the '68 also marked the engagement of the wage board, obtained only after the strikes of autumn '69. But
, '68 ends with a period and is also carried out the final step of driving the INPS in the hands of Confindustria and trade unions. If the latter
historic port makes us say that it is an expropriation that we must keep in mind for how trade unions today bargain on pensions, the workers, however, may well say that nothing was left to him.
Indeed, if we look back in history on the issue of Social Security, this review is more than confirmed, because we never find in the first place the state, even if the first date back to 1812, pensions for state employees in France, and to 1873 for those of England.
For the workers instead find the Workers' Mutual Aid Society, whose first meeting took place in Turin October 20, 1850, and the first congress was held in Asti in 1853. Thirty
company workers, including four women, discussed the issues of old age, disability, assistance widows and orphans of workers.
the sixth conference also discussed issues concerning the working hours. It was the first attempt to use this part of the working groups for the strike against the employers. But, lawyers and professionals inspired democratic - liberal, accepted as honorary members, successfully opposed this tendency of the workers. They won these paternalistic bourgeois, and for the leadership role they had assumed, especially because they had both "culture".
in order to avoid the subversion worker permeate from the first socialist ideas, was deployed by intellectuals in the mold of Depretis the first attempt failed, the regularization of such associations by law.
The lawyer Agostino Depretis, almost always a member of the standing committees and supporter of charitable purposes only, Congress in Voghera in 1857, became the promoter of the request along with other regulatory legislation to be sent to the government. In 1859 he was already governor of Brescia, and in 1876 he was appointed to form its first government, a position that alternates with that of minister to become prime minister again in 1881.
Nevertheless, the evolution of the clash between classes impressed by the dangerousness of an independent workers' movement that reflected the birth of the Labour Party in Milan in 1882, and claims, albeit watered down, which followed the birth of the PSI in 1892, posero alla classe dei padroni e quindi allo Stato, la questione non più rinviabile della Previdenza Sociale.
Ma lo Stato il 15 aprile del 1886 si limiterà a riconoscerà per legge le Società di Mutuo Soccorso solo per fini assistenziali.
Il riconoscimento statale e l'unificazione delle società mutualistiche che seguirà, lungi dal rappresentare il buonismo del Re e del Parlamento, era solo lo specchio legislativo delle rivendicazioni e della pericolosità del movimento operaio. Benché annunciato teoricamente col Manifesto del 1848 e con la parte pratica avuta nelle insurrezioni contro i residui della vecchia società feudale, gli operai già avevano fatto presagire lo spettro della Comune di Parigi del 1871.
Infatti, INPS was founded in 1933, but it absorbed the powers of the National Fund for Social Insurance was founded in 1919, which in turn took over the National Social Security Fund for the Workers' Old Age and Disability, founded in 1898. A look back only the first labor movement, and this time he made the revolution of '17 working in Russia.
This indicates that the bourgeoisie, with all the money they have as a means to buy anyone, will never buy the entire working class and its social character is made only to the misery of fear it generates, because he knows that workers can not be reduced into a mass of dispossessed, amorfa e senza futuro.
Elp 18-3-2008